The Coming Struggle: Tasks for Australian Nationalists

Section three

Ideology, politics, organisation

It is now appropriate that we discuss our rupture with "traditional" ideals, political means, and organisational methods. Australian Nationalism is a movement which could be compared with a youth whose voice is yet to break. It is hesitant; yet its potential is obvious to all, if it has a fanaticism to push itself past any formation promising a goal even remotely similar to itself and to mould itself by continuous action.

Let us look at some simple definitions:

(1) Ideology can be defined as a systematised body of thought which explains, then mobilises, facts.

(2) Politics can be defined as adaptation to opportunity, i.e. placing other movements ("pro" and "con") and general political circumstances within the scope of our operations.

(3) Organisation can be defined as the methods of propaganda and administration conducive to the expansion of our party and the enforced disintegration of our opposition.

(1) Ideology.

In the earlier (largely conservative) anti-immigration and patriotic groups, there was no (or little) ideology. A few precepts were dished up: Australia was "British" ethnically, culturally, and politically; the U.S.A. was our best "friend" in the world; Westminster Democracy was the clearest expression of our national political heritage. Different groups argued these elements with varied vehemence or arrangement of importance. Anti-immigration groups could stress "national values" as an expression of a national identity that was supposedly "British" rather than "Australian"), but not necessarily be concerned with political structures, etc. The nationalists are at variance with all of these conservative beliefs.

We have already discussed the historical factors behind the evolution of a nationalist ideology. But unlike the imprecise precepts of conservatism, the nationalists are forced to construct a coherent world-view, an ideology. The historical task of Australian Nationalism involves the political overturn of an alien Establishment through appropriate means. It is a struggle not only against a set of powerful organised structures but a battle for the national mind of the Australian people; either Australians accept that their country should be a Eurasian one with an internationalised export economy tied to South East Asia and certain multinationals - and globally dependent on the new defacto alliance of the U.S., China, and Japan; OR Australians desire a White Australia with a national economy supporting an independent role in world affairs. The former scenario is "endorsed" by a wide array of historical, ethnographic, pseudo-scientific, and sometimes emotionalistic beliefs. It can be "endorsed" "rationally" as some elements of the Human Rights Commission, the cosmopolitan churches, and certain parties have done. The propaganda of internationalism has swayed key sections of the Australian people. Are we to assume that this vicious anti-national propaganda, which is the psychological pillar of the Establishment, can be defeated by a few leaflets espousing a few truths? Even an enormous machine pushing such "truths" would be valueless unless it could demonstrate the fundamental errors of its opponent, demolish them, and "re-programme" those cosmopolitan-influenced people.

The construction of an ideology to counteract the mid be conjured, what foreign policy could it pursue - would it be tolerated by the United States? Of course it wouldn't be. So, yet again we see the need for an all-round answer to this question - which means a theory of superpower politics and other issues peculiar to U.S. cosmopolitanism, etc. We could go on and on. And if we are to have a government (and certainly we are no lobby group to influence politicians who long since sold their souls for 30 pieces of silver) we need to discuss tactics, models for our party, and more. So ideology becomes a matter of urgency for the nationalist party.

The construction of ideology is the process of seeking truths from facts. Out of the facts of overpopulation in the Third World, of the emergence of South East Asian capitalism, of the Red Chinese superpower's modernisation programme, of the increasing stability caused by the disappearance of the Soviet Superpower, etc., etc., we must create the ideology of Independence and White Australia.

To quote Lenin, "without a revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement".(5) For us to have a party, accepted by a wide strata of the population, we must offer more than a simple programme. A "faith" (i.e. ideology) is needed to supplant, or combat, cosmopolitan-internationalist ideology.

The delineation of a nationalist ideology has begun. Several steps have been taken. Pamphlet after pamphlet has appeared. A Political Programme has been established. A tradition in Australian political life has been alluded to, so as to psychologically adapt the nationalist activist to militant actions, similar to those in early Australian history. However, ideology is something which grows as the organisation grows, and as its political struggles cause it to wield increasing influence.

Some people have put to us that an ideology must be fully "created" before it is possible to act. In this scenario we behave like professors, and put pen to paper to author beautiful texts about ourselves, and about how Australia can be, and should be - one could spend a lifetime on such projects. On the other hand, we could act blindly as others desire, dramatise our "feelings" in public, proclaim our truths and wait for the masses to join us. Unfortunately, life and politics walk past such naive ideas. It was Mao Tse-tung (and how we can hear certain "right-wingers" scream against us for referring to this man! First Lenin, now Mao!) who saw a "unity of theory and practice". Firstly, one puts forward basic ideas, engages in political action, tests those ideas; and secondly, theorises upon the results. Then another action follows the developing idea. Each time Ideology and Politics grow more mature. The organisation expands. Isn't this a more politically mature attitude when we compare it to both endless philosophising and blind action?

(2) Politics.

Australian Nationalists recognise the urgency of their political mission. It is necessary that "hostilities" be entered into with the Establishment and its supporters. We have developed a systematic theory of struggle, and an Ideology; however, we do not - at this stage - have a strong enough force to smash the System in short shift. The fact is, of course, that the struggle will be a long one or a protracted one. It is on this basis that "Ideology, Politics, Organisation" can be discussed as a unity in the struggle. Nonetheless there are sufficient forces - ideological, political, and organisational - to initiate this struggle.

Hitherto, White Australian patriotism was the province of respectable middle class types working through major parties or weak lobby groups, The nationalists, however, decided against "respectability" (though not responsibility) and in favour of action. The nationalists opted against working as a ginger group of established forces, in favour of direct work amongst ordinary Australians - work which would culminate in the construction of a new party.

Therefore, the politics of the nationalist party can be understood in the context of (1) recruitment of new forces, and (2) political "targets" chosen to establish an atmosphere of "political struggle".

"Ideology" dictated that the White Australia cause had very little prospects amongst the conservative classes and organisations. Nationalist politics was, and still is, consequently directed towards (primarily) working class Australians and younger people. It is also focused upon other people turning their backs on conservative organisations. As such, these people are a valuable source of finance, labour, and contacts. "Ideology" showed that the first White Australia Policy, which was part and parcel of the great Nationalist movement (1880-1910), was a creature of the trade unions, the cultural-nationalist intellectuals (around the "Bulletin", for example) of the activist psychology. It was successful because it overcame the hesitation of the Anglicised middle classes and intimidated the colonial administrators. "Ideology" showed that similar circumstances today demanded a similar solution: a party of ordinary Australians led by a conscious active militant nationalist vanguard has become necessary.

The first goal of nationalist politics was to break from the "clutches of conservatism", to recognise the need for a truly popular and Australian movement. The forms of nationalist politics (a political programme, the Eureka Flag, activism, etc.) reflected this proposition with political realities. The second goal of nationalist politics was to attract people on that basis, a process which has begun.

In our second broad Political task, we can see ourselves in need of not only the psychology of attack which arises from continuous activism - but publicity. There needs to be victories to inspire new recruits. "Targets" are those which can be politically intimidated - easily - and at low cost. The "frightened" or quiescent Australian must be awakened not only to the sounds of a battle but to the idea that the battle is not hopeless (an answer to the often heard: "what can I do?"). Nationalist politics must demonstrate these possibilities continually.

To sum up. In its early phase Nationalist politics is all about, firstly, establishing the tactical forms of propaganda and action and to insist, blindly, ruthlessly, continually on the political virtues of the organisation. The party steps forward, at first, alone but with its principles intact ready to assemble fighters for an idea. Secondly, it begins its fight for its cause with victories and with results, even if minor victories and small results. It must eventually become a mass nationalist movement, led and organised by a solid core of dedicated and committed Cadre-Members - it must be an organisation which encourages the fighter for the Australian idea to make his commitment to the cause of the Australian Nation, and National Independence.

(3) Organisation.

Given the Ideological precepts of Australian Nationalism, given the political tasks of the nationalist organisation, it is no wonder that, from the start, the organisation must call itself a party.

Clearly the nationalist organisation must be a party; its goals are obviously political. And there are enormous matters at stake! The alternatives to a party are many and we have discussed them: associations, lobbies, leagues, pressure-groups of all sorts. Australian nationalists understand that fundamental political changes are not achieved either by "public education" activities or by lobbying ruling institutions, but solely and absolutely by the achievement of political power.

As indicated above, the "organisation" exists to serve the Ideology and the Politics of the party. Three principles of organisation arose very early, suggested not only by the failures of 1) similar political forces of the past, and 2) the conservative organisations, but by the urgent, vital and enormous tasks before us. Further: the party's aim - political power - demands a form of organisation able to combat an alien Establishment whose methods of coercion are likely to become "illegal" and even violent.

(A) Secrecy.

As our party grows, and hopefully becomes a mass organisation, general secrecy would be impossible. In its current state, secrecy is possible and desirable. (Behind its "mask" the organisation can gather strength). Later, this "secrecy" can be applied to special sections of the organisation, and to its internal life - even under conditions of mass membership.

The need for secrecy arises out of our understanding of the Australian state apparatus. The state began as an instrument of British imperial control; it has developed into an agency for internationalist domination over Australia's economy and politics. Its methods were never "democratic" in ensuring state interests. Violence has always been the reality behind the mask of such a "democracy". Secret police often harness this violence against organisations or individuals who express pro-Australian politics.

It is against political police that secrecy must be primarily employed; though there now, and will be other, enemies of the party. Infiltration, names-collecting, media "exposures", etc. are problems which must be faced. No party anxious to serve the cause of Australian Nationalism could wish to be placed in difficulties arising from non-acceptance of basic rules of organisational security. The "open" form of party organisation is rejected - permanently.

(B) Members and Cadre-Members.

Given our political tasks and given those pressures which push for secrecy, an "open" organisation is a luxury with which we could easily dispense.

With this as our premise, we can divide Membership into two categories, The "inferior" status of an ordinary "Member" implies a loose commitment to the organisation's activities and programme. The Cadre-Member meantime is he who is prepared to act on his faith. Therefore, only the Cadre-Members have organisational "rights". In his work the Cadre-Member yields his decision making powers to the appropriate Committee, but supervises and confirms in their authority the various Committees in National and other Conferences.(6)

Chatter and labour are two different concepts in inner-party life.

It all implies that discipline is necessary and that the authority of the relevant committees to direct their spheres of party work must be recognised by both Members and Cadre-Members. The weaknesses of an "open" organisation (which gives our enemies opportunities to disrupt, disable, or destroy us) cannot be allowed within the party which fights for an Independent White Australia.

(C) Activism.

We have referred to correct ideas emerging in the actual processes of political struggle.

Activism is the decisive factor in promoting the emergence of the Nationalist organisation. Activism is the key to the "break" with conservative organisations and ideas. Activism defines itself as the correct disposition of the nationalist; the psychology of the party grows in a healthy fashion. The "radical" Ideology and the formidable tasks call for Activism.

With the growth of ideology and the formation of political concepts, activism serves to sharpen those areas of concern. It raises the party into public view. Indeed RADICAL ACTION keeps the timid out of the organisation - which is good. And it establishes the organisation with a certain publicly visible profile, with a reputation for commitment to a cause and a known devotion to the Australian People. Activism breaks through the media curtain of silence and causes an issue or a series of issues to be debated. The mass is alerted to controversy. Activism is the propaganda of the deed!

Needless to say, activism will always have its price: frame-ups, harassments, media smear, and physical violence. Yet such reaction merely increases the desire to further the aims of the party through ever more energetic struggle.

To sum up: an organisation exists to serve the ideal and wage the fight in accordance with a tactical plan. It is subject to those exigencies. It has its forms set in the early period. Ideology has been put in the first place as the guiding star of the new party. Basic political tasks are elaborated and "targets" found. The party would at that point move beyond the stage of political skirmishing, and would be ready for its first confrontation.


5. In our work of building a nationalist movement, we may look to various other movements for examples of methods that have worked; and such examples may include communist revolutionaries. Needless to say, we are not communists or marxists, yet we must have a neutral attitude to all "models" of organisation - in the same way a technician cares not where a particular labour saving invention is manufactured, so long as it works.

6. Nationalists do not advocate the authority of any individual over that of the Committee. Leadership is collective, not individual.

The Coming Struggle: Tasks for Australian Nationalists

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