The Coming Struggle: Tasks for Australian Nationalists
The development of the Party
It has been said that our party is nothing until the moment of national crisis calls it forth. That does not mean we do nothing until then. On the contrary. The inevitability of a severe crisis in our apathetic country should sharpen our determination to build the agency for the quickest and most painless change. Our party was formed with that in mind. It was decided that Australian Nationalists needed to make themselves clear as to what party-form they should adopt. We asked: What sort of party?
Nationalists realise that this debate has gone on for years. The choice narrowed to two options: the "open" party or the "closed" party. Given the nature of our Establishment (i.e. its growing authoritarianism to serve alien interests) and the severe crisis facing the Nation, the latter party-form impressed us as the best option. Cohesion, discipline, dedication in the party, not disorder and endless debate.
To place our strategy in some context for the reader we shall elaborate on four phases of party growth, recognising exactly where we are today - and write extensively on the nature of our present tasks.
(1) The Propagandist Party.
The propagandist phase is the first stage of party growth. Our arrival at this stage meant that an organisation (albeit a weak one) has coalesced from circles. The lack of planning and uncoordinated literary work characterised circle life. From this point party development is planned and co-ordinated. A structure is established. Our ideology becomes more coherent as it is doing now. But our ideology is of course not the only path that White Australia patriots could follow. We have not yet entirely settled accounts with the exponents of "British Commonwealth Unity", religious patriotism, or even copyist fascism. Only our continued political organisational and ideological development can win that battle. Therefore the early party needs an intolerance, a fanaticism, to push it past formations of a vaguely similar sort, and against individuals who for one reason or another obstruct that development. The rigid insistence on our correctness - alone - guarantees that movement will not be directed into "safe" channels.
The propagandist phase presupposes a certain degree of ideological, political, and organisational development. It assumes that at the very start a national centre has been created, embryonic branches formed, finances arranged, ideological work being developed consistently, and issues found for propaganda. We find ourselves squarely in this phase. There is no escaping this fact. Our membership is limited. We are short of money. Co-ordination between committees and organisers is loose. Ideological work has begun strongly, though much is still to be done.
The propagandist phase demands the winning of numerous goals. Several important goals come to mind and we shall record them one by one:
(A) The massive escalation of propaganda.
We must distribute masses of literature each year. The public must become acquainted with a name and an idea - even if their understanding of our ideology and platform is limited. A primary aim of the party is to "make propaganda".
(B) The energetic development of ideological work.
The basics of our world-view must be created in the propagandist phase. "What we want" has been set down in our leaflets and journals. It must now be elaborated and closely argued. This is decisive in the delineation of an Australian Nationalism.
It is pleasing to note that a number of texts have already been produced. More work is being done - and more people are writing.
(C) The creation of basic organisational structures.
We must aim to open bookshops and office facilities in a few cities. Such structures are exceptionally important, not only in the mechanisms of organisation but also in the maintenance of the authority of the leadership of the party.
The creation of intra-party discipline and order is something for our "first phase". So is co-ordination between committees.
(D) Conditions of membership must become more stringent.
Ordinary propaganda wins "supporters" and ordinary Members. Only the organisation can produce Cadre-Members. Strong, militant propaganda attracts two types of people: those impressed by our uncompromising stand, but who wish to remain anonymous, and, more importantly, those who wish to be counted as militant activists. The first type become ordinary Members. The second, disciplined by the party, become Cadre-Members. Anyone can become a Member; but only those persons who want to do more than just "help out", financially or otherwise, become Cadre-Members. Cadre-Members are those who pay regular dues, submit to the discipline of party officials, absorb the ideology, and agree to act on their principles. Perhaps a ratio of four Members to one Cadre-Member would be a correct estimate.
Cadre-Members are the dynamo of the organisation. As we create cells, Cadre-Members co-ordinate the Members' activities. As the party grows, the pressure of ordinary Members for a "say" in the organisation will increase. To succumb to such pressure would leave the party open to rule by the ideologically unsound, the organisationally untrained, the politically naive, and possibly even those bent on some sort of "infiltration" or "takeover". The attainment of Cadre-Membership must be carefully controlled so that those who run the party are not only ideologically sound, but are dedicated, determined, trustworthy, and politically aware - because the success of the party will be in their hands. Our principle must be: Those who take no risks, or assume no responsibility, have no say in the running of the party.
In the propagandist phase of the party, a rule must be laid down for the future of the party: The attainment of Cadre-Membership is a privilege, not a right earned after only a few months affiliation.
(E) The application of strict secrecy to our work.
This point needs explanation. The enemies of our party include the political police, the media, and certain foreign-inspired "Left" groups. These groups have demonstrated, and will continue to demonstrate, their implacable opposition to the nationalist party. Methods must be found to shield our strengths and weaknesses from exposure. Persons whose anonymity needs to be protected, activists who work in particularly sensitive areas, details of our internal organisation, etc.: These things need to be concealed from scrutiny.
Secrecy and confidentiality in our internal workings is essential to us. We must show a certain "openness" (i.e. availability) to the public, of course, with spokesmen, bookshops, etc. But the business of the party must not be disrupted by provocateurs, "investigative" journalists, or whatever. Inside the organisation, it is essential that information shall only be given on a "need to know basis"; gossiping and chatter should be stamped upon. This provides some security against disruption. Our ordinary Members and our Cadre-Members can rest assured their names and addresses are secure from "prying".
We can imagine, naturally, much being made of our "secrecy". Allegations of "illegality" and "conspiracy" may be made. But we are concerned with the party's survival and organisational expansion. The value of "secrecy" is certain to become obvious as the future brings political repression.
(F) Priorities must be understood.
It is absolutely vital that our Members and Cadre-Members appreciate the priorities of the party in its propagandist phase.
Let us look at an anecdotal situation: A young person joins the party. We explain the treacherous character of the cosmopolitan-internationalist Establishment, the disruptive and divisive nature of multiculturalism, the ongoing processes of the Asianisation of our country, the dangers of Third World overpopulation, the possibility of war in our region, the untrustworthiness of our Western "allies" (cosmopolitan-internationalist countries), the poor state of our military forces, the apathetic attitudes of the Australian masses, and give a realistic appraisal of the state power of the System. Australia is threatened with national homicide, for which Australians are unprepared. Our friend agrees that Australia is falling apart in every conceivable area. Then we tell our friend to put out stickers and hand out leaflets!! After what we had said! We could understand it if our friend thought we were crazy. Therefore, we must make sure that we explain ourselves to all new members:
It is impossible for us - today - to change "what is" in our country. We must begin somewhere - at the first level. The victory of our cause is something which cannot be decreed or won without years of patient struggle.
The most mundane and seemingly irrelevant actions are purposeful when considered in context. That is how our priorities must be explained.
(G) The principle of a "closed" organisation.
Obviously under conditions of secrecy, founded on serious and considered reasoning, intra-party "openness" would be a commodity which we should avoid.
In the propagandist phase, "closed" norms of organisation must be established. Decisions of Committees, needless to say, should always be based on consultation; and the National Conference of Cadre-Members should have authority over the party. But, once decisions are made, they need to be carried out, and basic party discipline should be enforced.
These principles must be insisted upon. We are not running a tea party or talkfest, where bourgeois rules of order apply, and where actions are of no consequence. Our intentions are serious; we have a party to build.
(H) The foundation of a political newspaper.
We should understand fully that only a regularly issued political newspaper or journal can define the issues for Australian nationalists - to factually and ideologically inform them, and arm them. In the propagandist phase, the newspaper is likely to be more of a "journal", since it is not agitational in form. It would not be issued often enough nor, given the state of the national party, be able to carry on agitation. But it would serve a valuable role in delineating ideology, consolidating the organisation, and cementing the unity of the party. The paper could engender a network of correspondents and distributors, and bring new "ideologists" to the fore. Importantly also, our paper should be a showpiece for the party, an expression of our dedication and the quality of our members.
Funds must be organised to develop and advertise the paper. Every opportunity to build the paper's circulation should be utilised.
(I) The emergence of a party symbol.
In 1977 a small Sydney-based circle of Nationalists took up the Southern Cross, or Eureka Flag, as the emblem of their movement. It was a critical decision even for such a small group. At that time the Eureka Flag was being used by certain "republicans", the Maoist "Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist)", and the Builders' Labourers Federation. The old "Right" blackened the Eureka Flag's "reputation" by equating it directly with such anti-Australian groups (particularly the CPA and the leadership of the BLF). When the National Alliance emerged with the Southern Cross, great confusion resulted - but the battle was decisively won. Today, as we well know, the Eureka Flag is often seen as the flag of the "White Australia" nationalists.
The Nationalists had cast about for a symbol. We needed an emotive, visually effective, emblem - which had its roots in Australian history. Further, we needed an emblem which could be said to have "militant" connotations. No other banner could fit that bill; the Eureka Flag was a necessity. The original history of the Eureka Flag as a badge of activist native patriotism impressed us greatly. The misusage of the flag by the Left did not concern us. If it scares off certain conservatives, and upsets people who have confused political views, we are pleased - because we do not want such persons within our ranks.
It is therefore a primary task of the propagandist party to raise its symbol everywhere, extend its use, popularise it. Stickers, leaflets, newspapers: all must carry the emblem of the young movement. At the conclusion of the first phase of our growth, the public appearance of the Eureka Flag must cause the man in the street to associate it with the idea of Australian nationalism.
(J) The radical psychology.
The early party must ensure a high degree of commitment from its membership. The party is small and the load is great. It is also in the party's interest to draw clear dividing lines between its philosophy and other ideas and policies pushed by similar formations and the Establishment. In some ways the early party is a "sect", even if it wishes to - at the earliest possible moment - break out of its confines. It is a "sect" because it pronounces itself a special movement with the only programme which offers to the Australian people a solution to the urgent questions which confront the nation.
On that basis a particular psychology, the radical psychology, is developed. The radical psychology is the enemy of compromise and opportunism; it refuses to admit (quite rightly) that any reform within the existing political structure is possible.
The fact is that our party is not out to simply carry out its programme, but to carry out certain historical tasks (as elsewhere mentioned in this document). Our party is therefore not simply another party - but a party which springs from historical, and not only immediate, pressures. Such a party does not impress the weak-minded, the cowardly, or the bourgeois. It is a party for activists. The radical psychology is a critical aspect of the propagandist phase and as a principle will inspire our movement.
The propagandist party is somewhat unattractive to the common person. The goals which we have outlined as essential are not things which will be achieved by "concerned citizens". Indeed; our party, particularly in this phase of its work, is appealing to individuals and social sectors which are not part of the consumer society. In general, our appeal at this time is being addressed to youth, students, the unemployed, to residents of depressed areas, and to members of "patriotic groups" (who are disillusioned with the achievements and ideology of such groups).
Exactly how long the propagandist phase of our party will last cannot be calculated. It will last until the party has acquired active branches in all states, coupled with all the trappings of organisation, a nationally known name, and a set of able leaders. At that point the next phase of our operations would begin.
Although we are concerned primarily with getting ourselves orientated to immediate tasks, it is exceptionally useful to continually explain ourselves in context. We shall, consequently, survey briefly the other three phases of our projected party growth.
(2) The Militant Party.
The "militant party" is one which arises from the success of propaganda. Larger numbers of people become Members. The party takes on a more "open" appearance. The occasional election may be contested. The media takes a reasonable degree of interest in our activities, while the rate of literature distribution and public demonstrations rises appreciably. The party is no longer a "sect", but an aspect of Australian political fragmentation.
It may arise that we may tend to become slack in our methods of organisation. Overestimation of our strength may lead us to make errors. Ordinary Members could clamour for Cadre-Membership and demand more say in the running of the party (a task we must reserve for those who are committed, trustworthy, ideologically sound, politically aware, and capable of running a political organisation in a professional manner).
However, it is our intention to ensure in our propagandist phase the acceptance of such organisational principles as will make such dangers minimal.
Like never before, the "militant party" must be dominated by its Cadre-Members, and not by its ordinary Members. Education of the Members won by propaganda becomes an urgent job. As much as possible such ordinary Members should absorb the nationalist ideology.
At this time also we should note that, despite our greater visibility and seeming "openness", the "organisation of the Cadre-Members" will continue on with the "secrecy" and party discipline of the earlier period.
The "militant party" is one which casts about for issues. We know that - generally - there will always be some basic major issues that concern us: Immigration-Multiculturalism-Asianisation, Unemployment-Youth, Economic colonisation, Republicanism-Independence, and Environmentalism. The forms we adopt on each theme may vary. Each of these issues has already produced an across-the-board political mobilisation of Australians and can be expected to be continually relevant in the future. During the militant party phase our party must become active on all such themes to bring larger numbers of Australians under its influence.
By the close of this phase the party must have offices/shops in all major cities, some full-time organisers, and be able to run effective national propaganda campaigns.
(3) The Agitational Party.
From "issues", the party moves to specific areas. The "agitational party" is that party which strives for the acquisition of various social sectors. We could speak of acquiring power within certain factories, schools, universities, the police, the armed forces, and the public service.
By this stage the party must possess the power to disrupt the Establishment - by demonstrations, by strikes, by simple propaganda. Of course, the party organisation is greatly strengthened. Membership increases qualitatively and quantitatively. The means to make propaganda increases (the propaganda of agitation).
It is at this time that comprehensive policies are developed. Electoral work becomes more impressive, which should help to convince people of our "legality" (while we concurrently strive for "power" in other important social sectors). But, as ever, the central discipline of the party remains, as the Establishment's campaigns of harassment intensify.
The party's presence in the street develops, and it operates to win over wider groups to its policy - or at least cause them to respect our sincerity with the issues with which they are concerned.
(4) The Party of the Nation.
As indicated elsewhere, we cannot predict the exact conditions under which the nationalist party will come to power. But once empowered to govern, the party must become "the party of the whole nation", and use its social-patriotic platform to heal the deep divisions amongst our people.
All this, however, is many years away. The problems of today should be our concern; we must address ourselves to the problems of our propagandist phase.
The Coming Struggle: Tasks for Australian Nationalists
Australian Nationalism Information Database - www.ausnatinfo.angelfire.com