The Coming Struggle: Tasks for Australian Nationalists


This pamphlet has addressed itself to the problems - ideological, political, and organisational - which beset Australian Nationalists at this juncture. We are about to enter another "period" in the development of nationalist politics. The recent period saw the "opening of hostilities" with the Establishment, a major development from earlier and often hesitant attempts at the construction of nationalist organisations.

The question has arisen as to "How do we prepare for the Coming Struggle?". This matter was/is all embracing; involving the development of a nationalist ideology, the immediate and future political tasks of the party, and the methods of organisation necessary to procure results.

In the 1970s and 1980s it was argued that the Nationalists needed to "break away" from the clutches of conservatism. The conservatives were identified as the main "danger" to a nationalist party, warping its ideology to fit the notions of yesteryear, leading the movement to support reactionary politicians and creating a weak flabby organisation which could not serve the Australian People. While certainly the conservatives were organisationally distinct from the Nationalists, they were also a strong challenger for hegemony over people developing patriotic or even nationalist ideas. Through their ideological claptrap (Monarchy, Constitution, States Rights, decentralised government, U.S. alliance, etc.) it was possible that the conservatives could derail any prospect of a nationalist movement. Their tendency of thought was explained historically in terms of the grip British Imperialism once held over Australia. Unbelievably, conservatives have even managed to penetrate into nationalist organisations promising "support" "if only" the Nationalists would become "more reasonable" in their ideals. However, nationalists made a "break" away from this poisonous weed. The Nationalists could see in youth, ordinary workers, farmers, and small-business people better fields of recruitment than in bourgeois and petty bourgeois circles. As time unfolded, the "break" became more and more obvious. Radical action, the location of new centres of support, republicanism, and new tactics signified this "break" and the beginning of a new period in the development of Australian Nationalism.

Clearly Nationalists were/are seeking organisational clarification. It was agreed that IDEOLOGY must take the place of vague pronouncements, and that POLITICAL THINKING must take the place of wishful musings as we gauge "support" and assess enemies on the political spectrum. It was demonstrated from this analysis that political power will not be relinquished "democratically" by the Australian Establishment. A new form of nationalist organisation had to be built. Debate on this question in the past was vague and undeveloped. It had led to splits and weakening. Finally, progressive nationalists put forward the idea expressed in this pamphlet: political guerrilla warfare. The basic theory of this type of struggle was elaborated.

The truth is that there are no signposts on the road to the construction of a nationalist party. It has become obvious that few overseas organisational "models" apply to our struggle - beyond certain limits. No Australian party or group from the past has addressed problems of the magnitude or type facing the country today. Consequently, game-players, "big dealers", or openly fraudulent types emerge from the fringes and it is essential for the Nationalists to build their chosen party beyond the reach of such vermin.

It is unfortunate for us that we can lose track of the day to day struggle. Our work is extremely frustrating. "Victories" are difficult to obtain and nationalists can easily be sidetracked into foolish actions by would-be "leaders". All nationalists should realise that even the smallest function successfully carried out contributes to the overall success of the party. All must contribute as best they can. There can be no "grandstanding" or big-noting in this struggle. Many must preserve their anonymity, and secrecy needs to be preserved. Public "acclaim" is therefore usually an impossibility. A new type of activist is consequently a necessity: one who sustains himself in the struggle without over-reliance on the paraphernalia or open "praise" of the organisation. In that sense, we spoke of the "political soldier": the practitioner of political-guerrilla warfare.

In proposing a new form of organisation for Australian Nationalism we realise that our comments will not necessarily be popular with our detractors; however, we would suggest that the lack of a clear tactical plan is often an element produced by corruption in our own minds. I am speaking here of the fool's paradise that Australia truly is. Even the best of us often have misconceptions as to the reality of state power in Australia. Australians have had it too good, and so have we. We put off confronting real problems as a people. In the small "world" of nationalist politics, hard decisions are also postponed. This pamphlet has urged that we give solutions to problems. In this document, it is believed that we have done so.

The historical tasks of a nationalist party are such that we are in fact - revolutionaries. We are not party politicians with a new and interesting programme to put before the people. We are in fact talking of things that are difficult for people to accept. Consequently we are not a party among parties seeking votes but a truly revolutionary organisation. It has been said that Australia has never had such an organisation before. Even the first nationalist movement (1880-1910), in which we find so much inspiration, did not need to produce a revolutionary organisation. Its goals were achieved through other methods; however, a combination of international historical factors have ganged together in collaboration with the corruption of the Australian Establishment and have precluded the possibility of a regular political change-over.

It is not denied that the proposals that this document puts before you entail sacrifice and risk; however, we think that Australia is worth such sacrifices and risks. In that, we will be in good company. Other Australians before us have said the same things. To paraphrase Henry Lawson, we are "the vanguard of Australians" who have come forward to rescue Australia on her "darkest and grandest day". To succeed, we need committed, dedicated nationalists who have the strength, determination, and guts to fight for a nationalist revolution.(15) In answer to the question "How do we prepare for the Coming Struggle?", we answer: "Stand up for your rights as an Australian! Become a Nationalist Revolutionary!"


15. By the term "National Revolution" we mean a revolutionary change in the social and psychological outlook of the Australian people (affecting an alteration to current cultural-political attitudes) with a consequent change in our political institutions, etc.; which would include the displacement of the former System of liberal-internationalist values, and the "abolition" of the present anti-Australian State. We do not consider this National Revolution to follow any "models" from history, nor do we promote the term to imply a commitment to violence (to be more explicit, we are talking of a Social Revolution).

The Coming Struggle: Tasks for Australian Nationalists

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